I usually see the issue of the so-called democracy programs that USAID, State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL), and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) are advancing against Cuba from the disrespect they imply to our sovereignty. Washington's arrogance in this sense, based on its enormous power, allows it to grossly disregard international law, compromising every day the political development of the Island. Since 1996, the aforementioned federal agencies—I understand the NED as such—have managed projects allegedly aimed at "democratizing" Cuba, or, to be more precise, at changing the political regime in force here since 1959. In all this history, the value of the funds used for that purpose is often buried, beginning because the very existence of this effort is presented as irrelevant, or is naturalized, if not obviated. Then there is the frustrating lack of transparency on the part of the U.S. government in the breakdown of the projects it sponsors in this regard, hiding about 75% of the information on their development by my account.
The ForeignAssistance.gov (FA) and USASpending.gov sites provide a fairly complete picture of U.S. government foreign policy spending. However, DRL does not report any of the projects it funds related to Cuba. A few years ago, in one of my periodic reviews, I noticed that FA listed several disbursements associated with projects that had never been reported before, such as DRL's direct funding of Psiphon—an anti-censorship tool for mobile/desktop environments that provides uncensored access to the Internet—to advance its Cuban program. I naively inquired for information and the result was that all these FA projects disappeared. The State Department's Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs (WHA) also doesn't expose its Cuban program, while USAID does so but with very general data, especially in USASpending.gov because in FA it tends to censor the implementing partner. The same NED, which used to be more "open" on this matter, still does not disclose where it spent its funds in 2022, although in this case, I am talking in general terms. Anyway, the researcher does very little by knowing that any company or NGO has been allocated a certain amount of money for a project. From there, the availability of information is much scarcer, especially in those projects funded by USAID and DRL.
Update: Yesterday 1.389 Million daily unique users accessed the open web from Cuba through the Psiphon Network. Internet is ON; circumvention tools ARE working. This figure continues to increase, with today reaching 1.238 Million as of 12:00 EST (16:00 UTC) 🚀 pic.twitter.com/eVbStjfWap
— Psiphon Inc. (@PsiphonInc) July 16, 2021
The dance of the millions
In this new foray into this subject, which I have been researching for years both out of scientific curiosity and my interest in political matters, I first emphasize the funds that were obligated by USAID in fiscal year 2023. To do so, I have cross-referenced the information available at FA and USASpending.gov, which, as always, don't include the expenditure commitments incurred by DRL or WHA (and those of USAID may be incomplete, because certain projects are only broken down to the regional level to avoid relating them directly to Cuba). Then, to provide more context on the expenditures that USAID contracted organizations specifically make with obligated funds, I have gathered information in all cases from the Form-990s and audits required by 2 CFR 200, whenever available. I also searched directly for these documents for those organizations that I know from my experience are involved in the business of subversion against Cuba. This again allowed me to find active programs that are not reported in FA or USASpending.gov.
Through fiscal year 2019, the U.S. Congress appropriated about $364 million to promote political regime change in Cuba, a dynamic blessed in the Torricelli and Helms-Burton Acts. If I assume that in the following four the Capitol Hill standard of allocating $20 million annually to the program, then we are talking about more than $440 million. In 2023, the State Department and USAID committed at least more than $6,410,500 for these projects, calling on 9 organizations to develop them. If we were to add the more than $6 million that Foggy Bottom is sending annually for implementing the Cuban chapter of the NED, that would be close to $12,500,000 committed by federal agencies this year. Below, based on the data obtained through this consultation in USASpending.gov, I break down the funds committed this year by USAID and the State Department, listing in each case the implementing partner and the city where its headquarters is located. Of these, I will focus on the case of MEDIAPLUS.EXPERIENCE INC.
| Implementing Partner | Obligated Funds | Recipient City | Goal of the project |
|---|---|---|---|
| MEDIAPLUSEXPERIENCE INC | 200,000 | MIAMI | PROVIDING ACCESS TO DEVELOPMENT RESOURCES TO U.S PROGRAMS ALUMNI AND INDEPENDENT CREATORS IN CUBA. |
| FOUNDATION FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN CUBA INC | 1,295,621 | MIAMI | CUBA DEMOCRACY PROGRAM - INDEPENDENT MEDIA AND FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION |
| PAN AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, INC. | 1,400,000 | WASHINGTON | CUBA DEMOCRACY PROGRAM - INDEPENDENT MEDIA AND FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION |
| CUBANET NEWS, INC. | 677,345 | MIAMI | ENGAGING ON-ISLAND YOUNG CUBANS THROUGH OBJECTIVE AND UNCENSORED MULTIMEDIA JOURNALISM. CUBANET NEWS, INC WILL INCREASE THE FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION TO AND FROM CUBA TO OFFSET THE REGIME´S DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGNS, BY USING ITS TRADITIONAL JOURNALISM CONTENT AND PRODUCTION RESOURCES AND ADHERING TO INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS OF JOURNALISM. |
| OUTREACH AID TO THE AMERICAS INC | 511,710 | MIAMI BEACH | ACCIÓN Y ASISTENCIA HUMANITARIA. OUTREACH AID TO THE AMERICAS, INC (OAA) WILL HELP IMPROVE FOOD SECURITY AND HEALTH CONDITIONS FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS IN CUBA THROUGH THE PROVISION AND DISTRIBUTION OF HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE IN THE FORM OF FOOD AND HEALTH SUPPLIES. THE PROGRAM IS DESIGNED TO ALLEVIATE THE HARDSHIPS SUFFERED BY THOSE WHO HAVE LOST SOME OR ALL ABILITY TO SUPPORT THEMSELVES OR THEIR FAMILIES BECAUSE OF THEIR POLITICAL OR RELIGIOUS BELIEFS. |
| GRUPO DE APOYO A LA DEMOCRACIA INC | 574,270 | MIAMI | HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE FOR PERSECUTED INDIVIDUALS IN CUBA. THE GRUPO DE APOYO A LA DEMOCRACIA (GAD) WILL PROVIDE HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE TO CUBAN POLITICAL PRISONERS, THEIR FAMILY MEMBERS, AND OTHER INDEPENDENT CIVIL SOCIETY ACTIVISTS WHO HAVE LOST SOME OR ALL OF THEIR ABILITY TO SUPPORT THEMSELVES BECAUSE OF THEIR POLITICAL BELIEFS OR EFFORTS TO EXERCISE THEIR FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS. THE PROVISION AND DISTRIBUTION OF HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE WILL SUPPORT COLLABORATION BETWEEN INDEPENDENT CIVIL SOCIETY GROUPS (CSGS) THAT SUFFER BECAUSE OF THE IMPRISONMENT OF FAMILY MEMBERS AND FELLOW ACTIVISTS. |
| DIGITAL NEWS ASSOCIATION INC | 748,464 | POMPANO BEACH | CUBAN VOICES: WORKING TOWARDS GREATER FREEDOM OF INFORMATION. THE DIGITAL NEWS ASSOCIATION, INC, (DNA) WILL WORK TO REBUILD AND STRENGTHEN THE CUBAN MEDIA ECOSYSTEM TO INCREASE THE FREE FLOW OF FACTUAL INFORMATION BY INCREASING THE STANDARDS IN USER-GENERATED NEWS, DEVELOPING LOCAL MEDIA NETWORKS TO PROMOTE SOCIAL INCLUSION AND POLITICAL DIALOGUE, AND STIMULATING DISCUSSIONS AMONG CITIZEN NETWORKS TO ENABLE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION. |
| INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE | 500,000 | WASHINGTON | HUMANITARIAN AID FOR ACTIVISTS RESILIENCY (HAAR). THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE (IRI) WILL PROVIDE HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE TO CUBAN POLITICAL PRISONERS, THEIR FAMILY MEMBERS, AND POLITICALLY MARGINALIZED INDIVIDUALS TO ALLEVIATE THEIR HARDSHIPS AND ALLOW THEM TO CONTINUE THEIR EFFORTS TO PROMOTE DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM IN CUBA. |
| ASOC OBSERVATORIO CUBANO DE DERECHOS HUMANOS | 503,103 | MADRID | HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE FOR PERSECUTED INDIVIDUALS IN CUBA. THE OBSERVATORIO CUBANO DE DERECHOS HUMANOS (OCDH) WILL WORK TO EASE THE DIFFICULTIES OF PERSECUTED INDIVIDUALS, ESPECIALLY POLITICAL PRISONERS, AND THEIR FAMILIES, WHO HAVE LOST PART OR ALL OF THEIR ABILITY TO SUPPORT THEMSELVES AND THEIR FAMILIES DUE TO THEIR POLITICAL OR RELIGIOUS BELIEFS, OR THEIR EFFORTS TO BOOST AND PROMOTE DEMOCRATIC FREEDOMS IN CUBA. |
The case of MEDIAPLUS.EXPERIENCE INC.
This is a profit corporation based in Miami, which in its last annual report to the State of Florida shows José Jasán Nieves Cárdenas as its director. He is a Cuban journalist—somewhat anodyne for my taste beyond my ideological differences with him—who since his time in Cuba got involved with communication projects contrary to the political program of the Cuban Revolution, touching then funds provided by the NED. But a few years ago, already in the United States—through elTOQUE, a digital media outlet run by him—, he tied his fate to organizations like the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ), which implement USAID projects directly oriented to Cuba. My opinion is that anyone who makes alliances with these U.S. federal agencies and programs is outside the legitimate space to discuss the Cuban country project, regardless of the analysis we can make about the government on the Island or the current political system.
Estamos muy felices de haber sido parte de la primera generación del #FondoVelocidad, una incubadora de medios que nos ayudó a crecer y fortalecer nuestra labor periodística. Gracias a @Sembramedia, @ICFJ @luminategroup y a los otros medios y de la región por esta experiencia 🤗 pic.twitter.com/vFsZcLLPSe
— El Toque (@eltoquecom) October 5, 2021
En #Cuba 119 hoteles son operados por 21 empresas extranjeras. El 46% de esos inmuebles pertenece a @GaviotaTurismo. Los detalles te los contamos en nuestro Especial sobre #HotelesEnCuba, un proyecto desarrollado en colaboración con @ConnectasOrg y @ICFJhttps://t.co/wruGN0t6zr pic.twitter.com/UqZRRgRVcf
— El Toque (@eltoquecom) November 4, 2019
Now, from MEDIAPLUS.EXPERIENCE, Jasán Nieves has secured a front company to assume funding for elTOQUE, without directly committing it (the official website of the company, recognized as such here, never refers to the name MEDIAPLUS.EXPERIENCE, while Nieves—intelligently—does not state his role there in his X profile either). I am working with public data, but threading all this together is no easy task. It requires prior knowledge of the actors involved, experience, and skill in managing information on the web (where, what, and how to search). Right now, MEDIAPLUS.EXPERIENCE is guaranteed to receive some $434,700, between contracts signed with the U.S. Agency for Global Media (which manages the controversial Radio Marti station, although Nieves did acknowledge a connection here) and grants from the State Department. But, most interesting and worrying at the same time, is that elTOQUE has been publishing for more than two years an informal or parallel exchange rate between the dollar and the Cuban peso, which has positioned itself as the main reference for the purchase and sale of foreign currency by the population, and a measure of the "health" of the Cuban economy.
The informal exchange rate provided daily by elTOQUE is the main reference for foreign exchange in Cuba (source of the image).Expenditures of some organizations that implement the Cuba democracy program
In the table below, I share some recent data on the expenditures incurred by some of the organizations involved in this "democracy industry", especially the larger ones (institutes directly affiliated with the NED or other large organizations such as the ICFJ itself). To standardize, I looked for data related to FY 2022, because the audits for the recently completed one have not yet been sent. It is important to note that again I have had to weave my way through an informational thicket, because in these reports I use, all available from the Federal Audit Clearinghouse, in recent years the tendency is not to place any reference to the name of the federal project being implemented, but only the identifier.
In order not to confuse the data shown in the "Federal Expenditures FY 2022" column, I should clarify that the funds shown in the table above correspond to the value that the federal agency commits to pay—in principle—when it agrees with an implementing partner (an obligation), while those that follow correspond to the actual expenditures incurred by the related organizations in 2022. When the same organization appears on more than one row, it is because in that year it implemented several projects related to Cuba. For example, in the case of some in particular such as the National Democratic Institute or the International Republican Institute, since both belong to the core of the NED, every year they receive funds to operate against Cuba. Thus, in the same year, they are managing funds from several precedents.
| Implementing Partner | Awarding Agency | Federal Expenditure FY 2022 | Project Name |
|---|---|---|---|
| Institute for War & Peace Reporting | State DRL | 563,956 | Cuba:3G Uncensored |
| Institute for War & Peace Reporting | State DRL | 1,265,482 | Strengthen the capacity of regional journalists and media to better conduct fact-based reporting that informs the population |
| Institute for War & Peace Reporting | State DRL | 567,620 | Setting the news Agenda in Cuba |
| Institute for War & Peace Reporting | NED | 35,515 | Fostering Solidarity and Collaboration in the Media |
| Institute for War & Peace Reporting | NED | 74,075 | Fostering Collaboration among Independent Media |
| PAN AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION | State Dept | 169,027 | Provide Training, coursework, and experimental learning centered on human rights and effective civil society action to emerging Cuban leaders |
| PAN AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION | USAID | 539,397 | Exposing Labor Exploitation in Cuba |
| International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) | USAID | 481,898 | The Cuban Media Initiative |
| National Democratic Institute | State DRL | 322,827 | SLMAQM21GR3535 |
| National Democratic Institute | State DRL | 160,835 | S-LMAQM-19-GR-2328 |
| National Democratic Institute | NED | 196,617 | NDI-22007 |
| National Democratic Institute | NED | 300,952 | NDI-21061 |
| National Democratic Institute | NED | 171,042 | NDI-20036 |
| International Republican Institute | USAID | 769,341 | SUPPORTING HUMAN RIGHTS IN CUBA |
| International Republican Institute | USAID | 584,828 | PROMOTING HUMAN RIGHTS IN CUBA |
| National Endowment for Democracy | State DRL | 774,962 | CUBA 2019 |
| National Endowment for Democracy | State DRL | 3,470,807 | CUBA 2020 |
| National Endowment for Democracy | State DRL | 1,646,996 | CUBA 2021 |
A final comment
Look at the amount of expenditures in cases such as those of the Institute for War & Peace Reporting. But above all, remember that we know absolutely nothing about the implementation of these projects. They are advanced as if they were true secret projects of the CIA under the facade of being "sensitive". So we barely have access to the name, and not always, although they are very suggestive in some cases, such as this of "Setting the news Agenda in Cuba". This dynamic is a plausible reason to argue the erratic and reluctant attitude of the Cuban government towards independent journalism, and the media in general (as I always say, there may be an organic and original censorship attitude in the Cuban rulers, a predisposition to it, but the United States offers an unbeatable cover to its unfolding). By the way, the last time these projects were in the media spotlight was when the U.S. government was interested in leaking to the AP agency certain efforts made by USAID, because that exposure somehow contributed to paving the way for the brief thaw in bilateral relations towards the end of Obama's second term.
Then, it has been denounced that most of these controversial funds usually end up paying their administrators in cities such as Miami, as there are also forgotten stories of shady management. Many times, moreover, the amount of assistance does not correspond to the quality or potential of the projects. But even more shocking, it is not these projects that seem to have greater relevance in the public discussion about Cuba right now, but several YouTube shows made in Miami, albeit appealing to a twisted and biased vision of the state of affairs on the Island. All the above reinforces the perspective that understands this as a big business, worthy of a better fate. In the meantime, the subversion industry does not stop grinding up dollars from the shorn U.S. taxpayer.
Something I noticed in the first tweet from Nieves/ElToque is a reference to a Luminate Group, which immediately suggests Luciferian/Illuminati origins. Such groups are generally as covert as spooks, but it's always possible useful information might be available. It is at least another angle of attack on the cryptic actions of the entities you would like to understand better, and may help delineate their boundaries of action by revealing them from a different direction.
It is a strange fact that spooks and the occult are bedfellows.
There is little else I can suggest that might be of assistance, as you appear to be well acquainted with official documentation, and to have exercised admirable diligence therewith.
Thanks!
Thanks for your kind feedback and strong support. It's deeply appreciated. Best regards from Cuba.