Narendra Modi's avalanche win demonstrates that his account of an unassuming tea-merchant who rose through the positions of his gathering to turn into India's leader keeps on resounding with individuals.
Individuals romantic tales - much more so when it's a David and Goliath sort of story.
Also, that is the thing that Mr Modi speaks to.
In his very own words, he attempted to make a decent living, sold tea to bring home the bacon and lived in destitution while growing up. His story is like that of a large number of Indians who battle each day to bring home the bacon, and are frequently minimized by the first class.
Individuals considered him to be one of their own, as someone who might battle for them and represent them.
Mr Modi says he battled despite seemingly insurmountable opposition - enormous government officials, rich individuals and, most importantly, dynastic legislative issues - to get the nation's top political activity.
Amid the crusade for his first term in 2014, he would frequently call Congress party president Rahul Gandhi a "shehzada" (sovereign).
It was a reference to the Nehru-Gandhi family that ruled India for a lot of its history since autonomy in 1947.
Presently the tables have turned.
The "ruler" is presently taking a gander at a questionable future after his gathering got another mortifying drubbing in the races.
To exacerbate the situation, Mr Gandhi lost his family fortification, Amethi, to Smriti Irani of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
Yet, the outcomes were not all that terrible for different dynasts.
Around 30% of the chosen MPs are from political families, up from a quarter all things considered from decisions somewhere in the range of 2004 and 2014, an investigation by Trivedi Center for Political Data recommends. However, it's the thrashing of Mr Gandhi and a few other conspicuous dynasts that has brought up issues if family ties still work in Indian governmental issues.
Akhilesh Yadav, the previous boss pastor of India's most crowded province of Uttar Pradesh, once revealed to me that he would need to search for another activity if his Samajwadi Party (SP) lost the 2019 general races.
He did everything to win it.
He framed a collusion with his gathering's severe opponent, Mayawati, head of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).
He won his seat, however the alliance neglected to stop the Modi juggernaut as the BJP won 62 of the state's 80 seats. This is his second significant thrashing. He likewise lost the state get together decisions in 2017 against the BJP.
His better half Dimple Yadav lost in Kannauj.
He is the child of political strongman Mulayam Singh Yadav, who filled in as India's barrier serve and is likewise a three-term boss pastor of UP.
The senior Yadav's heritage presently remains in a critical state. Akhilesh Yadav wrestled control of the gathering from his dad in an open family show two years prior - father and child wound up irritated.
Be that as it may, Mulayam Singh went to his child's protection just before the 2019 races and held encourages for him. That demonstrated counterproductive on the grounds that the BJP assaulted the Yadav family accurately on this point.
It advised individuals not to confide in a gathering that just advances individuals from a solitary family and alluded to the Yadavs as the Gandhis of UP.
What's more, the electorate seems to have gotten the message.
Be that as it may, dynastic legislative issues isn't constrained to India. It has been a longstanding element in other south Asian nations including Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
What's more, in the west, both George Bush Sr and George Bush Jr filled in as US presidents. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's dad, Pierre Trudeau, additionally filled in as the nation's PM.
In any case, Mr Modi is an ace of controlling stories - and that turned into a separating factor.
Pratyush Rao, partner executive for South Asia at Control Risks consultancy, says the correct sort of informing is significant in governmental issues.
"Modi has overturned the political request by shrewdly taking advantage of his unassuming beginnings to make a convincing story of a pariah taking on the political foundation made up of elites," he says.
Mr Rao includes that "family names went far in the initial couple of many years of India's autonomy".
"The connection between political pioneers and the electorate was still especially much the same as that between a ruler and his or her subjects. This frequently meant a specific worship of the decision class. The ground has on a very basic level moved in the present India, where an optimistic electorate keeps up a more value-based association with political pioneers. On the off chance that Mr Gandhi's annihilation in his family precinct of Amethi discloses to us anything, it is that pioneers can never again treat their voting public like primitive pockets," he includes.
The neighboring territory of Bihar additionally observed its nearby dynastic family been given a mortifying thrashing.
Tejashvi Yadav, the child of previous government serve Laloo Prasad Yadav, assumed responsibility for his Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) party when his dad was imprisoned in a debasement case.
However, governmental issues wasn't his first decision.
Tejashvi Yadav first taken a stab at expert cricket. He made a couple of amusements as a center request batsman for his state group, and was likewise incorporated into the Delhi Daredevils squad of the Indian Premiere League competition.
Numerous at the time said he was chosen in light of his political inheritance and not for his ability.
In spite of the fact that his cricket vocation finished absent much greatness, Tejashwi later ended up anxious and anxious to follow in the strides of his dad.
The incongruity here is that Laloo Yadav's story is like that of Mr Modi's. He additionally ascended from humble beginnings and was known for his natural and grounded way of life.
Bihar's electorate associated with him since he appeared to be one of their own. In any case, Tejashvi's political vocation is a work in advancement, particularly after his RJD gathering neglected to win a solitary one of Bihar's 40 seats.
The once considerable RJD now needs to restore itself to face a resurgent BJP and its territorial accomplice, the Janata Dal-United.
The story isn't altogether different in different states.
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Tejashwi Yadav's gathering neglected to win a solitary seat in Bihar
Jyotiraditya Scindia, who originates from the recent imperial group of Gwalior in Madhya Pradesh state, likewise lost his seat. His dad was one of the top chiefs of the Congress party, and the family considered Guna body electorate its political stronghold.
It was a similar story for the Gehlot family In Rajasthan state, and the Deora family in Mumbai city.
In southern India, Nikhil Kumaraswamy, the child of Karnataka state boss priest H D Kumaraswamy, lost.
In Indian legislative issues, rarely the children of present and previous clergymen lose a decision. These thrashings strengthen the way that Mr Modi's image of legislative issues - character driven, vocal and nationalistic - is setting down deep roots.
Be that as it may, the BJP likewise has its own dynasts - and they fared marginally better.
Anurag Thakur, the child of previous Himachal Pradesh boss clergyman Prem Kumar Dhumal, has won his Hamirpur situate.
Somewhere else, YS Jaganmohan Reddy's YSR Congress gathering cleared both the get together and parliamentary races in the southern province of Andhra Pradesh. He is the child of previous boss priest YS Rajasekhara Reddy, who passed on in a helicopter crash in 2009.
Jagan Mohan Reddy acquired his dad's inheritance however quit the Congress party when they didn't acknowledge his offer to assume control over his dad's job. Rather he shaped his very own gathering and after 10 years, he is on course to wind up boss pastor like his dad.
MK Stalin, the child of Tamil Nadu's previous boss clergyman M Karunanidhi, likewise driven his gathering to a reverberating triumph.
Be that as it may, Mr Reddy and MK Stalin are special cases in this race. A dominant part of the dynasts have lost.
So is the period of dynastic governmental issues over in India? What's more, has it turned into an out of date political term?
Pratyush Rao says truly, "however just for some time".
"It's untimely to report the finish of political administrations in India. Indeed, even now, ideological groups over the range, including the BJP have such figures. Be that as it may, what these outcomes do show is that pioneers can never again depend exclusively on the brand intrigue of their family names to move beyond the end goal.
"It can even now be an intense device to pull in voters on the off chance that it is joined by a sound story and genuine conveyance," he includes.