Reviewing them is necessary to reinforce that, beyond the obvious legitimacy of the process and the electoral authorities, since the opposition an irregular exit of the Evo Morales government had been forged since the constitutional route was never a first option.
Then, a brief chronology of the facts to indicate the key moments that led to the current landscape.
2016: THE ZAPATA CASE.
At the end of 2015 the Plurinational Constitutional Court of Bolivia had approved the question of the constitutional referendum that would allow Evo Morales to relaunch to a fourth presidential term. The consultation of the Bolivian people would then define their candidacy.
Near the campaign for Yes, the leader of the Movement for Socialism (MAS) party was involved in a false scandal, mainly underpinned by journalist Carlos Valverde.
Days before the election date, Valverde presented an alleged birth certificate as proof that the Bolivian president had a son with businesswoman Gabriela Zapata.
This would be the only weight to support a complaint of government corruption with the Chinese company CAMC, of which Zapata was commercial manager.
The propaganda effect was effective in modifying the fate of the referendum against the MAS: 51.3% of the voters said no to the modification of article 168 of the Constitution. Morales lost his re-election option by a narrow margin on February 21, 2016.
Three months later, the journalist who had released the "revelation" acknowledged that there was no child between Morales and Zapata. The story had already fulfilled its objective eclipsing the referendum.
2017: THE 21F MOVEMENT IS BORN.
After the blow to the image of Evo Morales, a team of Bolivian parliamentarians of the MAS presents an appeal to the Legislative Assembly to reverse the damage of February 21 and enable the president's participation in the 2019 elections.
The high magistrates of the constitutional court approve that both Morales, as well as other elected authorities of the country, can present their candidacy indefinitely.
From there, the opposition is formed on a national platform that in the following years, will test street actions in the country, especially in the departments of Santa Cruz, Tarija and Cochabamba, facing the 2019 elections.
During that time, they will project an image of “spontaneous organization” of civilians who do not respond to traditional parties or visible leaderships, cohesive for the purpose of preventing the reelection of Morales, the same interest of national corporatist groups and the US government.
FIRE OF THE CHIQUITANÍA: FIRST SIGNS OF THE COLOR REVOLUTION (2019).
In August of the current year, the fire of the tropical forest of Chiquitanía was the scene of a campaign that began in social networks and media at the international level that aimed to undermine President Evo Morales, blaming him for a cyclical environmental event that had its origins in multiple factors, none related to the management of the Bolivian government.
Locally, the work of environmental activists and influencers "positioning" this narrative would give way to violent protests of the 21F movement and the Cruceñista Youth Union in Santa Cruz against MAS figures.
OCTOBER 20 AND NEXT DAYS: THE BEAT CONSOLIDATION.
- October 20. The OAS issues a report ignoring the electoral results of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), when the official counting of the votes has not yet finished. In the same way the candidate Carlos Mesa does.
That same night, the TSE centers are attacked by opposition supporters.
October 22. The US government accuses the Bolivian authorities of "an attempt to subvert" democracy ", while the European Union stresses that the situation is clarified for the sake of the" credibility of the electoral process. "
October 23. The Civic Committee of Santa Cruz announces an indefinite strike with an "ultimatum" to the electoral authorities to make a second round, otherwise, they will possess a new president.
October 24. The victory of Evo Morales is announced in the first round, with a margin of more than 10 points against his closest rival, Carlos Mesa.
October 28. Santa Cruz Police denounces the participation of armed groups in the protests called by the Union of Young Cruceñistas.
October 29. Facts of irregular violence and blockade of the roads, which were initially concentrated in Santa Cruz, begin to penetrate other departments of the country, following the agenda of ignorance of civic committees to the election results.
October 30. Foreign Minister Diego Pary announces an agreement with the OAS to conduct an audit of the elections. The report that emerges there will be binding, says Pary.
Later, the Bolivian government confirms the death of two people as a result of the violence promoted by the opposition in Montero, Santa Cruz.
October 31st. The opposition candidate, Carlos Mesa, is unaware of the OAS electoral audit of the election results
November 4. Luis Fernando Camacho threatens the government of Evo Morales, dating a period of 24 hours for his resignation.
In the afternoon, the helicopter that transferred the national president suffers an accident due to mechanical failure, without anybody being injured.
November 6. Violent groups set fire to the mayor's office of Vinto in Cochabamba and kidnap the mayor Patricia Arce Guzmán, shear, beat and bathe in paint.
November 7. The so-called "motoqueros" use bazookas and chemical weapons in the demonstrations of Cochabamba.
November 8. Some "riots" of police sectors occur. The National Commander of the Bolivian Police, Yuri Calderón, says that this situation is isolated events that do not represent a fracture in the chain of command.
November 9. MAS party leaders William Cervantes (mayor of Potosí), Juan Carlos Cejas (governor of Potosí), Iván Arciénega (mayor of Sucre) and Orlando Careaga (senator of Potosí), resign their positions.
For his part, the Bolivian president summons a dialogue table with the opposition to reach the "pacification of the country." The Armed Forces highlight their institutional position and defense of the Political Constitution of the State, against social upheaval.
Escalation of violence the rest of the day: Violent opposition groups take over the facilities of the state-owned BoliviaTv, attack the houses of the mass governor of Oruro, Víctor Hugo Vásquez, and Esther Morales, sister of the president, kidnap the president of the Chamber of Deputies of Congress, Víctor Borda and tie to a tree the radio director of the Single Trade Union Confederation of Peasant Workers of Bolivia, José Aramayo.
November 10. OAS publishes a report with preliminary results of the audit of the electoral process in Bolivia, recommending the repetition of elections with a new TSE.
Evo Morales calls for new general elections.
Carlos Mesa rejects that the president participates in an upcoming electoral schedule, while Luis Fernando Camacho demands his resignation and asks for the formation of a Governing Board.
"We suggest the president of the State to resign his mandate, allowing the pacification and maintenance of stability for the good of our Bolivia," says the commander of the Armed Forces, Willimas Kaliman.
The president of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Evo Morales Ayma, communicates his resignation to the country.
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